by Kevin Alfred Strom
2015 IS THE YEAR of Jewish failure to contain and control the Leo Frank narrative, a narrative they very much want to control in this, the 100th year after Frank’s death. For in the case of Leo Frank we find century-old confirmation of a pattern — a pattern of Jewish sexual license, Jewish racial solidarity even in the case of a Jewish murderer, Jewish corruption of American law and government via money and via media control, and unrelenting use of that media control to distort our history and pervert the truth.
Next month is the 100th anniversary of the carrying out of the sentence of death by hanging imposed by the courts on the Jewish sex killer Leo Max Frank by a group of prominent Georgia men who were outraged by the commutation of his sentence by a corrupt governor, and last month was the 100th anniversary of that commutation. That Governor’s name, which will live forever as an example of subservience to Jewish power and Jewish propaganda, was John Marshall Slaton (pictured above).
Here’s what happened:
In 1913, the Atlanta president of the Jewish B’nai B’rith, sweatshop operator Leo M. Frank, was convicted of strangling to death a 13-year-old White girl in his employ — Mary Phagan — after sexually assaulting her while they were alone on the second floor of the National Pencil Company, of which Frank was the superintendent and part-owner. Jewish hyper-ethnocentrism, networking, and financial and press power came into play almost immediately after Frank’s arrest and indictment.
The case became a national cause celebre for the Jews, with headlines in major newspapers from San Francisco to New York City trumpeting Frank’s “innocence” and the barbarity of the White Southerners who dared to convict him. Fat-headed Whites who believed the fictional newspaper stories of the “persecuted” member of “God’s Chosen” were recruited to help in the crusade, and the equivalent of many millions of dollars was raised in his defense.
With this Jewish money, Frank hired the finest and most expensive team of lawyers ever seen in the state of Georgia, yet he was still held by the Coroner’s Jury — still charged by the Grand Jury — and still convicted at trial. He hired another expensive legal team — and then another, even including the leading Jewish lawyers in the USA — and appealed his conviction to the Georgia Court of Appeals and then to the Supreme Court of the United States. In every case, his conviction was upheld.
With this Jewish money, other things were procured as well: Someone planted a bloody shirt at the home of the factory’s Black night watchman, Newt Lee, at a time when both Lee and Frank were suspects in the killing. Someone paid a long list of witnesses to leave town or change their stories in ways that favored Frank. Someone paid an unscrupulous attorney named Felder to fraudulently present himself as working for the Phagan family and attempt to illegally obtain evidence and documents in the possession of the police. Someone paid a Pinkerton detective named W.D. McWorth — and the Pinkertons were openly in the pay of Frank and the other Jewish owners of the pencil factory — to “discover” a bloody club and what was said to be part of Mary Phagan’s pay envelope near the ground floor elevator where the factory’s Black sweeper, Jim Conley, was keeping watch for Leo Frank that day — but the fake was discovered and McWorth dismissed. Someone paid the Pinkertons’ great rivals — the infamous Burns detective agency — to take over when the Pinkertons refused to “cooperate” as the Jews had hoped, and in particular refused to withhold evidence from the police until Leo Frank’s attorneys had had a look at it.
And, in 1915, when all the appeals had failed and the integrity of the jury’s verdict that Leo Frank was guilty and that Leo Frank should hang had been upheld by every jury, every judge, and every court with jurisdiction over the case, there was only one place left for the Jews to try: the outgoing Governor of Georgia, John Slaton. In addition to their glittering wealth and generous largesse, the pro-Frank forces had another ace up their sleeve with John M. Slaton: He was a leading partner in the partly-Jewish law firm that defended Frank and had been so for many months. Even though he could not practice law while governor during his term of two years, for some reason or other the law firm that was defending Frank — and which doubtless was receiving a huge portion of the money raised in Frank’s defense and would receive even more as “bonuses” for each desired outcome attained — sought out Governor Slaton as a partner.
With Leo Frank’s execution date imminent and all appeals exhausted, and with Governor Slaton leaving office in just days to be replaced by a man without such connections, the time was now or never. One would think that an ethical governor would have nothing to do with, and would not even consider, interfering in the case of a man who was a client of his own law firm, especially when the issue could be handled by the incoming governor, who had no conflict of interest, and who would be in office in less than a week. You would think that a rational governor would know that his political career — and Slaton very much wanted to be become United States Senator from Georgia — would be over for life if he committed such an ethical lapse. It would take some kind of overwhelming consideration for a man in Slaton’s position to interfere in the Frank case. But interfere he did.
On June 21, giving a patently specious string of reasons, he commuted the death sentence of Leo Frank to life in prison. He said his conscience impelled him and that he could not live with himself if there was even the possibility that he would have the blood of an innocent man on his hands. That, if true — though it hardly sounds like the reasoning process of the same man who blithely ignored the commutation requests of several non-Jews while in office — would truly constitute an overwhelming consideration. But you will forgive me when I tell you that the evidence suggests an overwhelming “consideration” of a quite different kind.
Attorney Luther Z. Rosser, lead counsel for Leo Frank, who had argued his case before the jury, paid a very interesting visit to the home of his law partner Governor Slaton just before the commutation decision was made. For reasons which might not seem too obscure, he arrived late at night. For the same reasons, he approached the mansion by a back street, parked several blocks away, and entered the grounds on foot via a dark alley. He did not leave until well after midnight.
I quote from Watson’s The Celebrated Case of Leo Frank:
What Rosser said to Slaton in this clandestine meeting, will never be known; but it was noticed that next day the lamentations of the Jews were replaced by sly grins, and offers to bet ten to one that Slaton would commute!
Read the following, not as evidence of Frank’s guilt, or as proof of Slaton’s hypocrisy and perfidy, but as a side-light on events in Atlanta:
Atlanta, June 22.
Mr. Tom Watson:
What I tell you I know to be true as God is light, and it is this: The Jews all gathered at the home of the Seligs, on Washington Street, where Frank’s wife and father-in-law live, and from 8 till 12 o’clock, they had a regular old-time Belshazzar feast. They drank wine, high balls, whiskey and beer, and smoked and sang, and had music; and there were not less than a hundred and twenty automobiles full of Jews that came there from the time I say to the late hour.
Now, they all knew Slaton had commuted Frank, and were celebrating it.
And I know a policeman who was on the streets yesterday, to make out like controlling the mob, and he told me he passed the jail every night at 12 o’clock for a year, and going on duty, and never saw a light in the office of the Sheriff till Saturday night, and he was surprised to see the Sheriff sitting there like he was waiting for somebody, and suddenly a Jew came running up and tapped on the window, and the Sheriff raised the window and the Jew whispered to him, and the Sheriff smiled, and then the Jew ran off and the Sheriff closed the window. Now, that showed conspiracy, and that Slaton was working with the Jews all the time.
In other words, the Jews knew — some on Friday, and some on Saturday — that Slaton had commuted the sentence.
John Slaton did not announce his commutation order until Sunday.
After you hear my words and read the sources I have provided on the Frank case, I invite you to watch the NBC television program about John M. Slaton, from their 1964 series Profiles in Courage. I’ll embed the video from that program so you can watch it right here on nationalvanguard.org:
After watching that production, do you recognize John Slaton? — do you recognize the Leo Frank sex killing case? — do you recognize the people of Georgia? No. You cannot. The program — like almost all Establishment works on the Leo Frank case — is a vicious, poisonous cocktail of lies designed to obscure the truth, exonerate and even ennoble a murderer, make the odious and the sleazy into “heroes,” and demonize the real heroes — real heroes like Tom Watson.
Thomas E. Watson’s contemporary series of exposés on the corruption and mendacity of the Leo Frank machine is one of the classics of American muckraking. Watson was an intelligent, cultured, and literate man, author of highly-regarded biographies of Jackson and Jefferson and a history of France. In the NBC episode, he is played by a sweaty, greasy-looking Hollywood “heavy” Michael Constantine, who, as Watson, openly admits his corruption and talks in “cracker” dialect, wearing a heavily rumpled suit without a tie, putting his feet up on Slaton’s desk, and wiping his dripping nose on his sleeve. We get it, Mr. Director, we get it. No such meeting between Watson and Slaton ever took place.
The program is anything but subtle. In the opening scene, another sweaty White man, with a crazed look on his face and a very bad set of teeth, stands on the courthouse roof and screams for the head of Leo Frank to a torch-lit crowd of Whites while the Frank verdict is about to be read. No such rally ever took place — it is an invention of the filmmakers.
Inside the courthouse, Judge Roan, the presiding judge in the case, mutters to an associate that “Frank’s innocence has been proven to a mathematical certainty” — something that he never said.
The noble Slaton is played by Jewish actor Walter Matthau, who is portrayed as a deeply moral man of principle throughout. The screen Watson admits to the screen Slaton that Watson’s newspaper, the Jeffersonian, is “written for the great unwashed,” and that “you bathe too much.”
Almost unbelievably, the program asserts that the Black night watchman and early suspect, Newt Lee, was in the pencil factory building when the murder was committed — and that the factory sweeper Jim Conley, another Black man falsely accused by the pro-Frank forces, confessed to the murder to his own attorney. Needless to say, none of this ever happened.
Jewish screenwriter Don Mankiewicz was the author of this bundle of lies. It was made by Saudek Associates, and aired on Robert Sarnoff’s Jewish-owned NBC. The executive in charge of production was the Jew Bernie Weinraub.
The producers of this program were so sloppy — and so contemptuous of their viewers, who they evidently think will believe even the crudest and most obvious lies — that they even get Leo Max Frank’s name wrong, calling him “Leo A. Frank.”
Thus is history rewritten by liars. Thus is the public fooled into hating those who try to save them, and worshipping those, like John M. Slaton, who have sold them out.
It is satisfying to reflect upon the fact that John M. Slaton, quite contrary to the liars at NBC, was so reviled for his act of evil that he had to flee the state. He did not return to stay for nearly a decade. Tom Watson was elected to the Senate seat that Slaton had coveted, and it was only recently that the Jews were able to force the great writer and statesman’s statue to be removed from the state capitol.
I’ll speak again about the Leo Frank case in three weeks, on the centenary of that moment in US and Georgia history when the leading citizens of that state re-took control of the legal and judicial process and carried out the sentence of the court — the sentence of the judge — and the sentence of the people — on Jewish sex killer Leo Max Frank.
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